By Joe Bartuah
Boston, MA: 09/04/10:Just imagine a scenario in which you went to a hospital for a major surgery and you have already been taken into the operation room and all the sophisticated electronic medical devices have been mounted, indicating that your surgery is imminent. While anxiously lying on the operation bed, you are then informed that the doctor that is about to perform your surgery had been a member of a graduating class comprising 500 medical students and he was the very least of his class. In other words, you are told that the professional credential of the guy who will shortly be in control of your life is highly questionable. Or consider another scenario where you are on the high sea and a turbulence erupts and someone sneaked a reliable piece of information to you that the captain of your ship had over-stayed his academic sojourn at the navy academy to the extent that the faculty senate had to let him graduate after reluctantly reaching a consensus, just to let him off the hook, simply because he fanatically loves the profession, even though he didn’t have basic aptitude for it.
In any of such scenarios, one is bound to be extremely apprehensive; one’s adrenaline will mercurially rise as one is most likely to be overwhelmed by fear and anxiety. In the case of the surgical theater, some radical patients would muster the courage to resist, walk away and further seek excellent, satisfactory expertise and services rather than risking their precious lives to sheer mediocrity. Even in the high sea scenario, some passengers might panic and resort to using life boats to get away instead of sitting supinely to allow any idiot run them aground.
It’s similar situation in which Liberia finds itself at this point in time; our common patrimony is like a patient in a surgical theater; it deserves a highly rated, experienced surgeon to carry out its operation so that its recovery, its recuperation can be guaranteed. This particular “patient” has perennially suffered from the debilitating melancholy of under-development, backwardness so much that it now needs the meticulous expertise of a topnotch physician, not the mediocrity of a charlatan, in order to avert any tragedy. Leaders, the sages had told us in centuries past, are like torch-bearers who are guiding a multitude of people on a dark path. A leader must therefore have the foresight, conviction and capacity to consistently uphold the torch for the benefits of his or her followers. Not only that a leader must have foresight, he or she must also be farsighted, not someone that can hardly see beyond his nose.
Liberia, a country which brags about being the oldest independent country in Africa, yet pathetically lagging behind most of the countries in the sub-region in terms of literacy and infrastructural development, cannot afford to have another virtually blind captain at the helm of the ship of state. In my humble estimation, a George Weah presidency that some misguided elements are toying with, for selfish, demagogic reasons is a perfect recipe for disaster. If George Weah opts for the chairmanship of the Liberia Football Association, I’ll readily understand the motivation, even though he is yet to convince me that he does possess the rudimentary administrative acumen to lead a national sporting organization.
For those who think that I am being too harsh in my assessment of Weah’s potential, just tell me how far has Junior Professionals, his maiden pet project advanced. By the way, is the Junior Professionals football team still in existence? If so, when last did it participate in an African competition? How many national and international accolades have they won?
For me, Junior Professionals’ standing, its success on the Liberian sporting terrain would be indicative of George Weah’s potential as a national leader because the formation of this team was his very first national enterprise. Moreover, it was through the sporting medium that Weah came to national and international attention. In other words, the game of football is the singular human endeavor that has given Weah a lot in his life time and therefore, he needs to give football a lot in return. Whatever Weah thinks that he’s worth now were lavished on him, or gained through football. It’s therefore needless to say that football ought to be the exceptional domain through which George Weah must first exemplify the sterling leadership qualities which he deludes himself that he possesses, before contemplating taking over the mantle of national leadership. Without the sensational, scintillating phenomenon of football, George Weah is virtually nothing; he would have probably been an obscure high school dropout languishing on the streets of Monrovia drenched in abject poverty, yet he miserably failed to distinguish himself when opportunities abounded in the 1990s for him to convince the world that indeed, he possesses some modicum of leadership qualities.
I have lately learned from reliable sources that Weah resorted to scape-goating Professor Wilson Tarpeh during the Montserrado County senatorial by-election in Liberia, claiming that Mr. Tarpeh as Finance Minister in the 1990s, had refused, or was very reluctant in allotting funds for the Lone Star football team during the African Cup of Nations and the World Cup 1996 campaigns. Anyway, to some extent, Weah got away with such fallacies, since the candidate representing his party eventually won, even though Weah had initially opposed the candidacy of Geraldine Doe-Sheriff in favor of his cronies.
The relevant issue here is that George Weah was not honest in those outlandish comments against Wilson Tarpeh at the time, because he was cunningly tryingly to save face and camouflage his own reckless leadership and resultant failure. Had he been honest, he would have conceded that as a coach-player of Lone Star, he used to draw the team based on his selfish whims; that he was intermittently paranoid and used to begrudge fellow players to the extent that he was known for passing over talented players, simply because he didn’t want them to outshine him, or because he had a personal score to settle against some of the players involved. Most dishearteningly, as a coach-player, George Weah engaged in acts that were clearly inimical to the interest of the nation during crucial international competitions.
That is, when decisive games were scheduled the next day in Monrovia, Weah would take many of his intimate friends, most of whom were Lone Star players, to his “Old School” night club near the intersection of Gurley and Carey Streets for overnight boozing. The result was dismal performances by the national team on many occasions. Reporters who followed the team to Ghana and other African countries said Weah and his cohorts’ pregame intoxications were worst in those countries. For me, those were unequivocal signs of ineptitude, because Weah conscientiously knew that those acts he engaged in and encouraged other players to follow suit were gross infringements of the rules of engagement of all the European teams such as A.S. Monaco, Paris Saint Germaine and A.C. Milan, among others that he had either played for, or was playing for at the time. Simply put, Weah treated Liberia like dirt when he served as coach of our national team and induced players in committing sporting suicide by boozing on the eve of crucial games.
In my estimation, Weah has not demonstrated those exemplary leadership qualities that would be inspirational to the nation in case he becomes president. His inconsistency at best, smacks of a confused state of mind; he seems to have compulsive identity crisis. At some point in time in the 1990s, he labeled himself Ousman and claimed that he was a Muslim. However, on occasional visits to Monrovia, his deeds were not reflective of any religious conviction. Although he later married a Jamaican woman after flirting with countless Liberian girls, the sustained intimacy subsisting between him on the one hand and many other young, curly-haired dudes on the other hand during the ‘90s, triggered multiple speculations and left many keen conservative observers wondering about his actual sexual orientation. Interestingly, a media outlet in Monrovia is said to have recently published one of his bizarre photographs of yester-years when Weah’s embarrassing activities were at their peak.
Not so surprisingly, some of his followers and even some government officials raised qualms about the publication. What most of those protesting failed to realize is that we are no longer in the age of Julius Caesar, Brutus and Mark Anthony. In this electronic age, the “evil” that men do are no more buried with their bones. Instead, such evils rather haunt them continuously while they are still alive and Weah is no exception. Now, the question is: In this sensitive electronic age, do we need a president whose checkered past, shady deeds would occasionally raise the specter of scandal and recurrently dissipate the integrity of country? Your guess is as good as mine.
Sunday, September 5, 2010
Friday, August 20, 2010
The Barbel of "Grand Coalition"
By Joe Teh
The attempt of several political parties to form a Grand Coalition in Liberia last weekend did not come as a surprise. Their failure to also have their entire constituents to sign the communiqué establishing the coalition on August 14, was not strange either. It would have surprised us if all eight of the parties making up the Grand Coalition had signed the agreement.
Am I been too pessimistic of opposition political parties’ effort in Liberia? I think not. But if I do, there are more reasons from history that let me do so. Grand coalitions have never held together during my life time in Liberia to be seen as an alternative to the ruling party.
It’s inarguable that the Liberian opposition political parties absolutely want some sort of combined force to defeat the party in power and bring about change, whatever such change is. But this has never proven to be easy especially when some of the opposition leaders see themselves as the de facto candidates and therefore, never wanting to submit to a group interest. So why did they want to join others to form a united front?
In 1986, we saw similar thing. The Grand Coalition then, comprising Unity Party (UP)of Dr. Edward Kesselly; Liberia Unification Party (LUP)of middle school teacher Gabriel Kpolleh and the Liberia Action Party (LAP)of Jackson F. Doe. The current President, Mrs. Sirleaf, was an executive member of LAP. The coalition went to the elections loosely and failed in a disputed elections believed to have been won by LAP.
International criticisms put the coalition in better position to make a lasting impression. However, when the former US Secretary of State, George Shutze, visited Monrovia in Spring of 1986, and asked the opposition what were their concerns, the coalition was divided on issues affecting them.
Similarly in 1997, several oppositions united to oppose the candidate some critics described as the "heartless beast," Charles Taylor, of the National Patriotic Front. Before the elections, scramble for leadership left the newly formed coalition splintered and even remained so after the elections.
It is a dismal fact that Liberian politics is about personalities and selfishness. The result has always been a recipe for dictatorship and inspired current leaders to become repressive. I hope President Johnson-Sirleaf, if re-elected, is not given such chance to change her leadership style from pluralistic to one of a new monster general-in-Chief. But Girl Ellen, you know, is very decent to turn that way.
For political parties that wish to join forces to make a strong case for their electability, they might want to make use of group processes techniques in identifying the norms of the group, build relationships and trust so as move the process forward.
But each one putting themselves above everyone will only see President Johnson-Sirleaf literally unopposed. This time, let oppositions prove that they can offer an alternative choice to what we already know and have.
The attempt of several political parties to form a Grand Coalition in Liberia last weekend did not come as a surprise. Their failure to also have their entire constituents to sign the communiqué establishing the coalition on August 14, was not strange either. It would have surprised us if all eight of the parties making up the Grand Coalition had signed the agreement.
Am I been too pessimistic of opposition political parties’ effort in Liberia? I think not. But if I do, there are more reasons from history that let me do so. Grand coalitions have never held together during my life time in Liberia to be seen as an alternative to the ruling party.
It’s inarguable that the Liberian opposition political parties absolutely want some sort of combined force to defeat the party in power and bring about change, whatever such change is. But this has never proven to be easy especially when some of the opposition leaders see themselves as the de facto candidates and therefore, never wanting to submit to a group interest. So why did they want to join others to form a united front?
In 1986, we saw similar thing. The Grand Coalition then, comprising Unity Party (UP)of Dr. Edward Kesselly; Liberia Unification Party (LUP)of middle school teacher Gabriel Kpolleh and the Liberia Action Party (LAP)of Jackson F. Doe. The current President, Mrs. Sirleaf, was an executive member of LAP. The coalition went to the elections loosely and failed in a disputed elections believed to have been won by LAP.
International criticisms put the coalition in better position to make a lasting impression. However, when the former US Secretary of State, George Shutze, visited Monrovia in Spring of 1986, and asked the opposition what were their concerns, the coalition was divided on issues affecting them.
Similarly in 1997, several oppositions united to oppose the candidate some critics described as the "heartless beast," Charles Taylor, of the National Patriotic Front. Before the elections, scramble for leadership left the newly formed coalition splintered and even remained so after the elections.
It is a dismal fact that Liberian politics is about personalities and selfishness. The result has always been a recipe for dictatorship and inspired current leaders to become repressive. I hope President Johnson-Sirleaf, if re-elected, is not given such chance to change her leadership style from pluralistic to one of a new monster general-in-Chief. But Girl Ellen, you know, is very decent to turn that way.
For political parties that wish to join forces to make a strong case for their electability, they might want to make use of group processes techniques in identifying the norms of the group, build relationships and trust so as move the process forward.
But each one putting themselves above everyone will only see President Johnson-Sirleaf literally unopposed. This time, let oppositions prove that they can offer an alternative choice to what we already know and have.
Giving Luster to the LUX
By Joe Bartuah
NOTE: This article was originally written on June 8, 2009 for publication in a Liberian-owned magazine. Its reproduction herein is informed by the issues raised at the time and the necessity to further highlight the needs of the University of Liberia; expect a sequel.
Former President Edwin James Barclay famously referred to it as the “Lux in Tennebris,” the proverbial light in a vast sea of darkness. Its charter was carved out by the Legislature in 1951, to succeed its precursor, the erstwhile Liberia College, which had been in existence from 1862.
However, from the outset, the University of Liberia (UL) didn’t have a broader national outlook; its parochial confines tended to reduce it to a sort of University of Monrovia, as the national university lacked regional campuses throughout the country.
In spite of its structural inadequacies, UL continued to cater to the academic aspirations of the bulk of the nation’s youth until the eruption of the senseless civil war in December 1989. Like every well-meaning institution in the country at the time, the university was severely ravaged by the 14 years of devastation.
Against such dismal backdrop, it’s needless to say that UL needs help in order to continuously serve the educational needs of the Liberian people. This herculean imperative has motivated the nationalistic zeal of some selfless Liberians to organize themselves into the Massachusetts Alliance for the Restoration of the University of Liberia (MARUL).
Dr. Sam Beh (Class of ’83), president of MARUL, who spoke on May 2nd at the group’s inaugural festivities in Lowell, MA, said the organization’s founding was “in response to an appeal from the University of Liberia to the public for supplies, equipment and instructional materials” to enable the institution carry on its mission of teaching, research and service to the nation.
Beh, himself an eminent educator, noted that embedded in the overwhelming challenges of rebuilding UL “are opportunities for rebuilding the kind of university system that must not only be based in Monrovia, but must have satellite campuses in major regions of the country.”
Disclosing that student enrolment at UL has soared from its prewar high of 9,500 to its current peak of 18,000, Dr. Beh said the “physical facilities” created at the inception of the university “seemed inadequate and did not sufficiently address the issue of access and equity.”
“I believe that the university should continue to pursue its core objects of teaching, research and service and lease out to the private sector those services it might not have the capital to adequately fund and manage,” Dr. Beh emphasized. He said privatizing certain sectors of UL would ensure efficiency and sustainability.
Beh says members of MARUL have already begun putting their money and talents to where their mouths are. The group donated a consignment of office supplies and instructional materials to the former UL president, Dr. Al-Hassan Conteh last year as part of its short term response to the university’s needs.
Beh’s inaugural speech also contained a three-plank proposal which comprises MARUL giving meritorious scholarships to needy students, soliciting support for books, supplies and staff development as well as forging a strong partnership with U.S.-based alumni groupings “to create a broader and more effective University of Liberia Alumni Association.”
The program attracted scores of alumni, former students and employees as well as friends of UL. The guest speaker was Victoria E. Ward, daughter of the late Professor Victor E. Ward of the chemistry department. Ms. Ward chairs the Victor E. Ward Educational Fund, an academic charity set up in memory of the late illustrious professor.
Mr. Sam Teah, president of the Federation of Liberian Community Associations in Massachusetts installed the MARUL officials into their respective offices.
NOTE: This article was originally written on June 8, 2009 for publication in a Liberian-owned magazine. Its reproduction herein is informed by the issues raised at the time and the necessity to further highlight the needs of the University of Liberia; expect a sequel.
Former President Edwin James Barclay famously referred to it as the “Lux in Tennebris,” the proverbial light in a vast sea of darkness. Its charter was carved out by the Legislature in 1951, to succeed its precursor, the erstwhile Liberia College, which had been in existence from 1862.
However, from the outset, the University of Liberia (UL) didn’t have a broader national outlook; its parochial confines tended to reduce it to a sort of University of Monrovia, as the national university lacked regional campuses throughout the country.
In spite of its structural inadequacies, UL continued to cater to the academic aspirations of the bulk of the nation’s youth until the eruption of the senseless civil war in December 1989. Like every well-meaning institution in the country at the time, the university was severely ravaged by the 14 years of devastation.
Against such dismal backdrop, it’s needless to say that UL needs help in order to continuously serve the educational needs of the Liberian people. This herculean imperative has motivated the nationalistic zeal of some selfless Liberians to organize themselves into the Massachusetts Alliance for the Restoration of the University of Liberia (MARUL).
Dr. Sam Beh (Class of ’83), president of MARUL, who spoke on May 2nd at the group’s inaugural festivities in Lowell, MA, said the organization’s founding was “in response to an appeal from the University of Liberia to the public for supplies, equipment and instructional materials” to enable the institution carry on its mission of teaching, research and service to the nation.
Beh, himself an eminent educator, noted that embedded in the overwhelming challenges of rebuilding UL “are opportunities for rebuilding the kind of university system that must not only be based in Monrovia, but must have satellite campuses in major regions of the country.”
Disclosing that student enrolment at UL has soared from its prewar high of 9,500 to its current peak of 18,000, Dr. Beh said the “physical facilities” created at the inception of the university “seemed inadequate and did not sufficiently address the issue of access and equity.”
“I believe that the university should continue to pursue its core objects of teaching, research and service and lease out to the private sector those services it might not have the capital to adequately fund and manage,” Dr. Beh emphasized. He said privatizing certain sectors of UL would ensure efficiency and sustainability.
Beh says members of MARUL have already begun putting their money and talents to where their mouths are. The group donated a consignment of office supplies and instructional materials to the former UL president, Dr. Al-Hassan Conteh last year as part of its short term response to the university’s needs.
Beh’s inaugural speech also contained a three-plank proposal which comprises MARUL giving meritorious scholarships to needy students, soliciting support for books, supplies and staff development as well as forging a strong partnership with U.S.-based alumni groupings “to create a broader and more effective University of Liberia Alumni Association.”
The program attracted scores of alumni, former students and employees as well as friends of UL. The guest speaker was Victoria E. Ward, daughter of the late Professor Victor E. Ward of the chemistry department. Ms. Ward chairs the Victor E. Ward Educational Fund, an academic charity set up in memory of the late illustrious professor.
Mr. Sam Teah, president of the Federation of Liberian Community Associations in Massachusetts installed the MARUL officials into their respective offices.
Okada:The Imperative of Regulation
By Joe Bartuah
NOTE: This article was penned on May 30, 2009 for a proposed Liberian –owned magazine. It is being reproduced here because most of the issues raised herein are still relevant.
Recent reports emanating from Liberia signal mixed accounts about motor cycles, or Okada--they are said to be the fastest growing but equally risky mode of transport in that war-torn country. The motor cycles are said to be frequency involved in accidents resulting to injuries and unnecessary deaths.
In the Monrovia area, regular taxis, as we knew them in prewar times, are said to be scarce. Even in instances where taxis are available, the traffic moves at a snail’s pace, hence the alluring appeal of Okada. The traffic squeeze in Monrovia is understandable though. The streets are very few and for over two decades, they were not regularly maintained, due to a combination of economic slump and misrule. Even Somalia Drive (Freeway), which had been originally planned as a four-lane driveway, remained in its primary two-lane mode that President Tolbert had initiated up to the onset of the senseless killing spree that began on Christmas Eve in 1989.
Moreover, there has been no sustained effort exerted towards connecting Monrovia proper and the Sinkor areas with the Gardinersville-Barnesville areas. That is, to link the two main segments of the capital by means of constructing streets through the mangrove marsh land or building bridges across the Mesurado River.
In the 1980s, a General Binyan Kesselly Boulevard and two others, which were to be financed by the Taiwanese government, were proposed, but they turned out to be sheer bogus exhibitions. Such lack of foresight, coupled with the massive demographic movement or sociological dislocation triggered by the years of upheaval, have induced the near traffic clog that is reportedly plaguing Monrovia nowadays. In such scenario, Okada’s portability ensures its suitability, which translates into its popularity with ordinary folks.
Whereas a taxi has to wait for the traffic to move before it gets to its destination, Okada meanders and makes a way in whatever narrow path and easily delivers the goods or hasten passengers to their destinations. Its operation is not limited to Monrovia. I recently spoke with a gentleman who had just returned from Liberia and he disclosed that he had been an Okada passenger from the Ivorian border town of Tolouple` to Tappita in Nimba County. Whether it is in Ganta, Nimba County; Gbarnga, Bong County; Kakata and Harbel, Margibi County; Okada is said to be all over the place.
While talking about the perennial lack of street maintenance in the Monrovia area, it’s needless to say that the feeder roads and highways in the rural areas are worst off. Many of the feeder roaders were hastily constructed by logging companies in those days. Obviously the loggers’ only aim was to access their logs from the jungle. As for the people in the countryside, their hope had been that the central government would eventually step in and standardize those roads, so as to bring much-needed relief to them.
For example, bridges on the creeks and streams along those roads were made of logs. With the advent of President Tolbert’s “Rally Time” policy in 1972, a policy which the president noted at the time, was aimed at taking Liberians “from mat to mattress”, government began reconditioning some of the “farm-to-market roads”, as the president tagged them. But again since 1980, nearly all the feeder roads have not been serviced by any Public Works Ministry personnel. The result has been a near impassible country in which travelling has become a sort of nightmare. Against such dismal backdrop, Okada is certainly an innovative means of transport because it has the capacity and potential of going to some of the remotest parts of the country.
However, Okada must not be allowed to operate in a vacuum. Government must robustly step in, formulate a concise transport policy that sanitizes the situation in order to drastically minimize the unnecessary loss of precious lives. Protecting the citizenry is one of the cardinal responsibilities of any legitimate government. The Liberian government must not shirk this sacred responsibility because both the Okada operator and his passengers need government’s protection.
We lost so many precious lives during the 14-year senselessness that the plagued the nation; we can’t afford to sit supinely, or remain indifferent to the pathetic plight of young people who are hastening their own demise in their desperate pursuits of the ever elusive dollar. The police must properly train all those desirous of operating motor cycles, or the government should enfranchise private agencies to conduct such training. Moreover, helmets must be required for all motor cyclists and they should be restricted to certain routes in the city; we can’t just allow motor cycles to erratically swarm our streets, running amok at almost supersonic speeds all over the place. Almost six years after the climax of the killing competition, we have past such chaotic scenario.
The training of motor cyclists should be followed by testing and certification before one can be allowed to operate a motor cycle. Additionally, all motor cycles should be properly identified by government-issued license plates. And most importantly, all motor cycles and vehicles operating in Liberia must be insured, so as to ensure that victims of vehicular or cyclical accidents are properly compensated. Before I left the country, the ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) Brown Card protocol, which mandates that all vehicles within the sub-region be insured, was being initiated.
However, it was a false start, because only taxi cab owners were being asked to pay $US300 annually at the time; non-commercial private and state-owned vehicles were not being insured when I left Liberia in 2001. Now that we have a legitimate government rather than the scandalous cartel that was in power at the time, the government must make a quick move to standardize, stabilize and sanitize the entire transport sector, thereby ensuring that Okada safely plays its role in the socio-economic development of our dear country.
About the author: Joe Bartuah is formerly editor of The NEWS Newspaper in Monrovia. He currently resides in Boston, Massachusetts.
NOTE: This article was penned on May 30, 2009 for a proposed Liberian –owned magazine. It is being reproduced here because most of the issues raised herein are still relevant.
Recent reports emanating from Liberia signal mixed accounts about motor cycles, or Okada--they are said to be the fastest growing but equally risky mode of transport in that war-torn country. The motor cycles are said to be frequency involved in accidents resulting to injuries and unnecessary deaths.
In the Monrovia area, regular taxis, as we knew them in prewar times, are said to be scarce. Even in instances where taxis are available, the traffic moves at a snail’s pace, hence the alluring appeal of Okada. The traffic squeeze in Monrovia is understandable though. The streets are very few and for over two decades, they were not regularly maintained, due to a combination of economic slump and misrule. Even Somalia Drive (Freeway), which had been originally planned as a four-lane driveway, remained in its primary two-lane mode that President Tolbert had initiated up to the onset of the senseless killing spree that began on Christmas Eve in 1989.
Moreover, there has been no sustained effort exerted towards connecting Monrovia proper and the Sinkor areas with the Gardinersville-Barnesville areas. That is, to link the two main segments of the capital by means of constructing streets through the mangrove marsh land or building bridges across the Mesurado River.
In the 1980s, a General Binyan Kesselly Boulevard and two others, which were to be financed by the Taiwanese government, were proposed, but they turned out to be sheer bogus exhibitions. Such lack of foresight, coupled with the massive demographic movement or sociological dislocation triggered by the years of upheaval, have induced the near traffic clog that is reportedly plaguing Monrovia nowadays. In such scenario, Okada’s portability ensures its suitability, which translates into its popularity with ordinary folks.
Whereas a taxi has to wait for the traffic to move before it gets to its destination, Okada meanders and makes a way in whatever narrow path and easily delivers the goods or hasten passengers to their destinations. Its operation is not limited to Monrovia. I recently spoke with a gentleman who had just returned from Liberia and he disclosed that he had been an Okada passenger from the Ivorian border town of Tolouple` to Tappita in Nimba County. Whether it is in Ganta, Nimba County; Gbarnga, Bong County; Kakata and Harbel, Margibi County; Okada is said to be all over the place.
While talking about the perennial lack of street maintenance in the Monrovia area, it’s needless to say that the feeder roads and highways in the rural areas are worst off. Many of the feeder roaders were hastily constructed by logging companies in those days. Obviously the loggers’ only aim was to access their logs from the jungle. As for the people in the countryside, their hope had been that the central government would eventually step in and standardize those roads, so as to bring much-needed relief to them.
For example, bridges on the creeks and streams along those roads were made of logs. With the advent of President Tolbert’s “Rally Time” policy in 1972, a policy which the president noted at the time, was aimed at taking Liberians “from mat to mattress”, government began reconditioning some of the “farm-to-market roads”, as the president tagged them. But again since 1980, nearly all the feeder roads have not been serviced by any Public Works Ministry personnel. The result has been a near impassible country in which travelling has become a sort of nightmare. Against such dismal backdrop, Okada is certainly an innovative means of transport because it has the capacity and potential of going to some of the remotest parts of the country.
However, Okada must not be allowed to operate in a vacuum. Government must robustly step in, formulate a concise transport policy that sanitizes the situation in order to drastically minimize the unnecessary loss of precious lives. Protecting the citizenry is one of the cardinal responsibilities of any legitimate government. The Liberian government must not shirk this sacred responsibility because both the Okada operator and his passengers need government’s protection.
We lost so many precious lives during the 14-year senselessness that the plagued the nation; we can’t afford to sit supinely, or remain indifferent to the pathetic plight of young people who are hastening their own demise in their desperate pursuits of the ever elusive dollar. The police must properly train all those desirous of operating motor cycles, or the government should enfranchise private agencies to conduct such training. Moreover, helmets must be required for all motor cyclists and they should be restricted to certain routes in the city; we can’t just allow motor cycles to erratically swarm our streets, running amok at almost supersonic speeds all over the place. Almost six years after the climax of the killing competition, we have past such chaotic scenario.
The training of motor cyclists should be followed by testing and certification before one can be allowed to operate a motor cycle. Additionally, all motor cycles should be properly identified by government-issued license plates. And most importantly, all motor cycles and vehicles operating in Liberia must be insured, so as to ensure that victims of vehicular or cyclical accidents are properly compensated. Before I left the country, the ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) Brown Card protocol, which mandates that all vehicles within the sub-region be insured, was being initiated.
However, it was a false start, because only taxi cab owners were being asked to pay $US300 annually at the time; non-commercial private and state-owned vehicles were not being insured when I left Liberia in 2001. Now that we have a legitimate government rather than the scandalous cartel that was in power at the time, the government must make a quick move to standardize, stabilize and sanitize the entire transport sector, thereby ensuring that Okada safely plays its role in the socio-economic development of our dear country.
About the author: Joe Bartuah is formerly editor of The NEWS Newspaper in Monrovia. He currently resides in Boston, Massachusetts.
Tuesday, August 3, 2010
George Weah: Why He May Lose Again
By: Joseph G. Bartuah, Jr.
Prior to and at the inception of the 2005 elections, everybody thought George Weah was going to win. His popularity suggested it; the words on the street acknowledged it and Weah himself thought so. In fact, if the constitution did not require the winner to get 51% of the vote, he would have won the race. However, there was a run-off election because Weah did not get the required 51% of the vote. In the runoff election, Weah went head-to-head with Unity’s Party standard-bearer, Mrs. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Despite his strong showing, Weah did not win the second round, as Sirleaf was victorious.
From my perspective, the main reason why Weah did not win the election was because of the Unity Party planned propaganda. Remember, the whole Mamie Doe thing? The rumor came out during the runoff election that George Weah had promised Grand Gedeans that he would marry Mamie Doe, if they help him to win the election. That was just a rumor. In fact, that was just politic. Weah, at the time was already a married man. But the politics paid off well. Liberians fell for it; Nimbaians fell for it and even Prince Johnson fell for it and campaigned for Ellen in Nimba County. The runoff campaign turned into a sort of Nimba versus Grand Gedeh election. The rumor worked well because Weah and the CDC party did less to dismiss the story. It is hard to believe this, considering the fact that Weah has a radio and TV stations. Therefore, Weah’s inability to refute a story that was apparently false cost him the election.
Sadly enough, the CDC standard bearer has not learned his lesson. Weah and the CDC have so far, refused to publicly acknowledge the wrong-doing of Deputy Speaker Torkpah Mulbah who happens to be a member of Weah’s Congress for Democratic Change. Recent news reports accused the Deputy Speaker Mulbah of ordering his men to beat an on duty police officer. According to the reports, Officer Beh and other patrolmen were at a check point around the Thinker Village area when a pick up truck arrived with no headlights, tail lights or license plates. The truck was stopped and considered to be in an unsafe condition. The driver got on the phone and began to call his boss, Mr. Mulbah. The phone was handed over to Mr. Beh so that he and Mr. Mulbah can talk. The conversation did not go well and the Deputy Speaker felt insulted. The honorable man arrived at the check point ordering his guys to beat Mr. Beh. The incident has left many Liberians thinking about the fate of law enforcement in the country.
Weah and the CDC’s failure to publicly distance themselves from Mr. Mulbah on his disgruntled behavior clearly shows that the CDC standard-bearer lacks leadership even in his own party. Past and recent developments have shown that Weah’s popularity in his party and with some segments of the Liberian populace is mainly due to his status as a former football icon rather than his leadership capability. If he cannot stand has a leader and tell those in his party whose negative deeds are bringing negative publicity to his party, one wonders how can he muster the leadership acumen to lead Liberia in the future?
Put another way, Weah is like an idol in his party and will like to keep it that way. Therefore, he won’t like to lose any fans of his. Interestingly, this is not Mr. Mulbah’s first embarrassing act against the interest of his party. In 2007, the Supreme Court ordered him to pay $6000 USD to one Tamba, a man whose rubber he had seized. In 2008, police stopped the Deputy Speaker’s car and saw bags of narcotics, a drug that is illegal.
As a person, you will think that his party will call him and advise him after several violations of the law. However, the CDC has chosen to label reactions to the Deputy Speaker’s unbecoming actions as ‘politics”; rather than condemning the story, they claim that politics has been the motivating factor. To be frank, the story is very big on its own. How do you expect people to react when the headline reads: Deputy Speaker order beating of police officer? It will be good if the CDC can think that this is not politics; the deputy speaker’s behavior is outrageous. The Liberian people are outraged that their lawmaker can go into the streets and order people to beat police officers. It is good to keep in mind these officers are doing a very tough job. They are not armed, therefore, they should not be taken advantage of.
In 2006, CDC refused to speak out against the Mamie Doe story. This time they are refusing to speak against the wrong-doing of one of their own, Mr. Mulbah; instead they call it politics. But when October 2011 comes, when the debates begin and polls open, CDC will regret why this story ever came up. They will also regret their reaction and it might cost them an election.
About the author: Joseph G. Bartuah, Jr., 21, is formerly a high school broadcaster from the Rock International Academy in Paynesville. Unlike his dad, who electronically campaigned for candidate Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf from abroad during the 2005 presidential elections, he was in Liberia at the time, although he couldn’t vote due to age disqualification. Joe, Jr. is currently a second-year student at the Bunker Hill College in Boston, majoring in Political Science. He can be reach at his email address jbartuah@hotmail.com.
Prior to and at the inception of the 2005 elections, everybody thought George Weah was going to win. His popularity suggested it; the words on the street acknowledged it and Weah himself thought so. In fact, if the constitution did not require the winner to get 51% of the vote, he would have won the race. However, there was a run-off election because Weah did not get the required 51% of the vote. In the runoff election, Weah went head-to-head with Unity’s Party standard-bearer, Mrs. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Despite his strong showing, Weah did not win the second round, as Sirleaf was victorious.
From my perspective, the main reason why Weah did not win the election was because of the Unity Party planned propaganda. Remember, the whole Mamie Doe thing? The rumor came out during the runoff election that George Weah had promised Grand Gedeans that he would marry Mamie Doe, if they help him to win the election. That was just a rumor. In fact, that was just politic. Weah, at the time was already a married man. But the politics paid off well. Liberians fell for it; Nimbaians fell for it and even Prince Johnson fell for it and campaigned for Ellen in Nimba County. The runoff campaign turned into a sort of Nimba versus Grand Gedeh election. The rumor worked well because Weah and the CDC party did less to dismiss the story. It is hard to believe this, considering the fact that Weah has a radio and TV stations. Therefore, Weah’s inability to refute a story that was apparently false cost him the election.
Sadly enough, the CDC standard bearer has not learned his lesson. Weah and the CDC have so far, refused to publicly acknowledge the wrong-doing of Deputy Speaker Torkpah Mulbah who happens to be a member of Weah’s Congress for Democratic Change. Recent news reports accused the Deputy Speaker Mulbah of ordering his men to beat an on duty police officer. According to the reports, Officer Beh and other patrolmen were at a check point around the Thinker Village area when a pick up truck arrived with no headlights, tail lights or license plates. The truck was stopped and considered to be in an unsafe condition. The driver got on the phone and began to call his boss, Mr. Mulbah. The phone was handed over to Mr. Beh so that he and Mr. Mulbah can talk. The conversation did not go well and the Deputy Speaker felt insulted. The honorable man arrived at the check point ordering his guys to beat Mr. Beh. The incident has left many Liberians thinking about the fate of law enforcement in the country.
Weah and the CDC’s failure to publicly distance themselves from Mr. Mulbah on his disgruntled behavior clearly shows that the CDC standard-bearer lacks leadership even in his own party. Past and recent developments have shown that Weah’s popularity in his party and with some segments of the Liberian populace is mainly due to his status as a former football icon rather than his leadership capability. If he cannot stand has a leader and tell those in his party whose negative deeds are bringing negative publicity to his party, one wonders how can he muster the leadership acumen to lead Liberia in the future?
Put another way, Weah is like an idol in his party and will like to keep it that way. Therefore, he won’t like to lose any fans of his. Interestingly, this is not Mr. Mulbah’s first embarrassing act against the interest of his party. In 2007, the Supreme Court ordered him to pay $6000 USD to one Tamba, a man whose rubber he had seized. In 2008, police stopped the Deputy Speaker’s car and saw bags of narcotics, a drug that is illegal.
As a person, you will think that his party will call him and advise him after several violations of the law. However, the CDC has chosen to label reactions to the Deputy Speaker’s unbecoming actions as ‘politics”; rather than condemning the story, they claim that politics has been the motivating factor. To be frank, the story is very big on its own. How do you expect people to react when the headline reads: Deputy Speaker order beating of police officer? It will be good if the CDC can think that this is not politics; the deputy speaker’s behavior is outrageous. The Liberian people are outraged that their lawmaker can go into the streets and order people to beat police officers. It is good to keep in mind these officers are doing a very tough job. They are not armed, therefore, they should not be taken advantage of.
In 2006, CDC refused to speak out against the Mamie Doe story. This time they are refusing to speak against the wrong-doing of one of their own, Mr. Mulbah; instead they call it politics. But when October 2011 comes, when the debates begin and polls open, CDC will regret why this story ever came up. They will also regret their reaction and it might cost them an election.
About the author: Joseph G. Bartuah, Jr., 21, is formerly a high school broadcaster from the Rock International Academy in Paynesville. Unlike his dad, who electronically campaigned for candidate Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf from abroad during the 2005 presidential elections, he was in Liberia at the time, although he couldn’t vote due to age disqualification. Joe, Jr. is currently a second-year student at the Bunker Hill College in Boston, majoring in Political Science. He can be reach at his email address jbartuah@hotmail.com.
Monday, August 2, 2010
Rethinking Liberia's Public Service
By: Joe Teh
Public service in any country offers great opportunity for leaders to give back to the people self-less stewardship. It’s a vocation of calling, not just for anyone who is not prepared to serve. For those who harbor the voracious get-rich-quick mentality as their primary motivation for entering public service, they’re undoubtedly in the wrong place, because the key is “service”, not “riches”.
The continued misuse of public office and the abuse of power thereof; graft and total lack of interest for the development of Liberia as ostensibly espoused by many public officials in the country tell us that those we choose to lead us careless about us.
Despite the military coup of 1980 and the bloody Charles Taylor’s war of the 1990s, many Liberian public service officials have ignored the tragedies caused by an inefficient government. They have refused to change their attitude about working in government.
No news comes out of Liberia these days without mentioning accountability issues, incidents of human rights violations where public officials abrogate the law unto themselves. In fact, some key cabinet members are even predicting more theft of public funds in the days and years ahead.
These are the same reasons which brought about the military coup in 1980. Charles Taylor and company used these reasons too, to unleash a devastating reign of terror on Liberia for 14 wasted years. Still there’s no improvement.
Consider these recent examples: Deputy House Speaker Tokpa Mulbah, has been indicted by a grand jury on charges of assault. The deputy speaker (CDC-Bong County), ordered the torture of a uniformed police officer for stopping the deputy speaker’s vehicle which had no registration plate on it.
Margibi County Representative Ballah Zayzay, faces allegations of fraud, breach of ethics and conflict of interest. He used his office to win a bid for his private company which took $50,000 of government money and never delivered on the terms of the contract.
Now, former Information Minister, Lawrence Bropleh, dismissed and likely to face prosecution on allegation of theft of more than a quarter million dollars of public funds, wants to seek legislative seat in the 2011 elections.
What a shame. Is this any good example of public service in a country still trying to recover from the ravages of war? Nope. The beneficiaries of public service in Liberia are not the masses who are still waiting to be employed to improve their quality of live, neither the children who are craving for education so they can learn and live beyond what they have experienced with their parents. The beneficiaries of the national wealth are the senior government officials who have access to power and sources of revenue.
And just as audit reports reflecting an Olympic style competition for the pillaging of public funds in Liberia are distressing, not one person has been tried and convicted to be punished. Yet, officials found by audit reports to be liable for missing money from development funds go about their businesses freely and probably plotting to steal more.
The presumption here is that once a public servant, you are also a public master, who assumes private ownership of public money intended for the public good. And once you are satisfied, the public is also satisfied. Wrong.
However, I must acknowledge that there are few political leaders, or cabinet ministers, at least a couple of them that I know in Liberia, with courage to make a positive difference. They offer us hope in spite of the gloom and doom and apathetic picture presented by the official misconduct of their colleagues, that they are potentially the alternatives for change we can live with.
As Liberia is about to start actual reconstruction, rethinking public service is not simply an ethical issue. It is a discipline and moral imperative that require every Liberian to show commitment to the credo: Liberia first. Accomplishing the task of an efficient and disciplined public service involves reforming our individual characters and lifting the national system requirements for public service to the next level.
First, there must be a clear documented policy of conflict of interest. Potential candidates for public office must know what constitute conflict of interest, violation of which could lead to a defined penalty under the law. Second, there must be a written public service code of ethics that specifies public expectations of government officials.
Although the constitution broadly alludes to these requirements, the specifics were left with government, most especially the Legislature to define. Various mechanisms for enforcement and punishment for breach must be detailed in prescription in keeping with the relevant provisions of the law.
Liberia cannot continue to remain the same old way as we have known it. Our current generation of public servants must show a positive example of the kind of legacy we want to leave for our children and posterity. If we must make public policies that will reflect the aspiration of our future, then transformation of our thinking from greediness to integrity is a nonnegotiable prerequisite.
About the author: Joe Teh is a Liberian journalist residing in Springfield, Massachusetts. A familiar fixture in Liberian journalism for the past 25 years or so, Mr. Teh is formerly news editor of the New Democrat Newspaper and later Star Radio in Monrovia prior to immigrating to the U.S.
Public service in any country offers great opportunity for leaders to give back to the people self-less stewardship. It’s a vocation of calling, not just for anyone who is not prepared to serve. For those who harbor the voracious get-rich-quick mentality as their primary motivation for entering public service, they’re undoubtedly in the wrong place, because the key is “service”, not “riches”.
The continued misuse of public office and the abuse of power thereof; graft and total lack of interest for the development of Liberia as ostensibly espoused by many public officials in the country tell us that those we choose to lead us careless about us.
Despite the military coup of 1980 and the bloody Charles Taylor’s war of the 1990s, many Liberian public service officials have ignored the tragedies caused by an inefficient government. They have refused to change their attitude about working in government.
No news comes out of Liberia these days without mentioning accountability issues, incidents of human rights violations where public officials abrogate the law unto themselves. In fact, some key cabinet members are even predicting more theft of public funds in the days and years ahead.
These are the same reasons which brought about the military coup in 1980. Charles Taylor and company used these reasons too, to unleash a devastating reign of terror on Liberia for 14 wasted years. Still there’s no improvement.
Consider these recent examples: Deputy House Speaker Tokpa Mulbah, has been indicted by a grand jury on charges of assault. The deputy speaker (CDC-Bong County), ordered the torture of a uniformed police officer for stopping the deputy speaker’s vehicle which had no registration plate on it.
Margibi County Representative Ballah Zayzay, faces allegations of fraud, breach of ethics and conflict of interest. He used his office to win a bid for his private company which took $50,000 of government money and never delivered on the terms of the contract.
Now, former Information Minister, Lawrence Bropleh, dismissed and likely to face prosecution on allegation of theft of more than a quarter million dollars of public funds, wants to seek legislative seat in the 2011 elections.
What a shame. Is this any good example of public service in a country still trying to recover from the ravages of war? Nope. The beneficiaries of public service in Liberia are not the masses who are still waiting to be employed to improve their quality of live, neither the children who are craving for education so they can learn and live beyond what they have experienced with their parents. The beneficiaries of the national wealth are the senior government officials who have access to power and sources of revenue.
And just as audit reports reflecting an Olympic style competition for the pillaging of public funds in Liberia are distressing, not one person has been tried and convicted to be punished. Yet, officials found by audit reports to be liable for missing money from development funds go about their businesses freely and probably plotting to steal more.
The presumption here is that once a public servant, you are also a public master, who assumes private ownership of public money intended for the public good. And once you are satisfied, the public is also satisfied. Wrong.
However, I must acknowledge that there are few political leaders, or cabinet ministers, at least a couple of them that I know in Liberia, with courage to make a positive difference. They offer us hope in spite of the gloom and doom and apathetic picture presented by the official misconduct of their colleagues, that they are potentially the alternatives for change we can live with.
As Liberia is about to start actual reconstruction, rethinking public service is not simply an ethical issue. It is a discipline and moral imperative that require every Liberian to show commitment to the credo: Liberia first. Accomplishing the task of an efficient and disciplined public service involves reforming our individual characters and lifting the national system requirements for public service to the next level.
First, there must be a clear documented policy of conflict of interest. Potential candidates for public office must know what constitute conflict of interest, violation of which could lead to a defined penalty under the law. Second, there must be a written public service code of ethics that specifies public expectations of government officials.
Although the constitution broadly alludes to these requirements, the specifics were left with government, most especially the Legislature to define. Various mechanisms for enforcement and punishment for breach must be detailed in prescription in keeping with the relevant provisions of the law.
Liberia cannot continue to remain the same old way as we have known it. Our current generation of public servants must show a positive example of the kind of legacy we want to leave for our children and posterity. If we must make public policies that will reflect the aspiration of our future, then transformation of our thinking from greediness to integrity is a nonnegotiable prerequisite.
About the author: Joe Teh is a Liberian journalist residing in Springfield, Massachusetts. A familiar fixture in Liberian journalism for the past 25 years or so, Mr. Teh is formerly news editor of the New Democrat Newspaper and later Star Radio in Monrovia prior to immigrating to the U.S.
Friday, July 30, 2010
Billy Goat and the Price of Indiscipline
By: Joe Bartuah
Boston, MA: 7/30/10--Some of us didn’t grow up in this age of electronic wizardry, in which the marvelous magic of the Internet--texting, e-mailing, face-booking, you-tubing--are now a global phenomenon. Specifically in my case, I hail from one of the remote parts of Liberia, Kaipa, in Yarwin-Mensonon District in Lower Nimba County.
Since we didn’t have the luxury of electronic gadgets, story-telling was one of the primary modes of communication in those days in my part of the world. It was through such medium that the elders endeavored to pass on the words of wisdom, which had been passed on to them by our forefathers, to the younger generation. Admittedly, at this point in time, I can’t remember most of the fireside stories that were so captivating to me during my childhood; they have largely faded into oblivion. I, however, feel obliged to narrate this short story which I can still vividly recollect, especially for the benefit of the younger generation, because it was through these stories that some of us used to quench our thirst for knowledge and guidance from the fountain of wisdom of the old folks.
Basically, the story is about Billy Goat’s inability to leap—to jump or spring to his desired capacity. Billy Goat had long been an over-ambitious animal, very anxious to achieve; he refused to acknowledge that his weakness, his incapacity outweighed his potential. All along, his foremost aim had been to be capable of leaping from tree to tree; to be as acrobatic as monkeys are. For numerous years, Billy Goat intensively trained and rigorously practiced, but to no avail; the highest peak Billy Goat could jump to or climb was a mound hill, a termite hill or “bug-and-bug hill” as we often label it in Liberian parlance.
As time went by, Billy Goat began to worry; the specter of failure, of under-achieving began to haunt him.”You want tell me I’ll continue to be an object of mockery in this town; what will be my legacy?” Billy Goat thought. In the end, he decided to swallow his pride and seek favor from monkeys. And so, Billy Goat quietly planned a pilgrimage to the Monkey Kingdom. By that time, the white people had already introduced the single-barrel guns in Africa; energetic hunters were fiercely disturbing the hitherto joyful, ecstatic tranquil world of monkeys, as a result of which monkeys resolved to relocate their kingdom to the nearly impassable, impenetrable depth of the virgin tropical rainforest.
Despite the daunting nature of such trip, Billy Goat was not deterred, for his obstinate ambition fueled his yearning for the trip; he was inordinately confident about his potential that no amount of coaxing could have dissuaded him. And so, Billy Goat embarked on this onerous trip; he tramped for more than eight hours, arriving at the Monkey Kingdom just when twilight was relieving daylight
Monday, July 26, 2010
Debunking Garlawulo’s Fallacies
07/23/10
Debunking Garlawulo’s Fallacies
By: Joe Bartuah
On many occasions, evidence abounds that some of our compatriots arrogantly take Liberia, our common patrimony for granted. A case in point is the writ of prohibition recently filed at the Supreme Court against the Liberia National Police (LNP) by Counselor Francis Garlawulo on behalf of Deputy Speaker Tokpah Mulbah and his cohorts. Mulbah and his horde of thugs are said have inhumanely brutalized an officer the peace, Mr. Lexington Beh of the LNP. After Mulbah and others had committed such heinous crime against the state, Francis Garlawulo shamelessly believes that Mulbah, who like Garlawulo, hails from Bong County, should be shielded from arrest by section 31 of the Legislative Law of Liberia. He therefore fallaciously claims that attempts by the police to apprehend the thuggish legislator is not only a violation of the Legislative Law of Liberia, but also article 21(b) of the Liberian Constitution.
If Liberia has had solid, continuous democracy in its 163 years of existence, there would have been no need to comment on Garlawulo’s illusionary claims; if we have consistently had elections over the years where elected officials periodically submit themselves to the ultimate verdict of the electorate, where recalcitrant and uncouth officials like Mulbah and others are kicked out of their offices through the might of the ballot box, I won’t have dignified Garlawulo’s whimsical tirade with a comment; I would have otherwise remained reticent until the case was judicially disposed of.
However, our democratic experiment is still embryonic and its relevant institutions--including the judiciary-- are yet to attain their inherent potency, hence the need for the active participation of every one of us, if we as a people, must succeed in this noble endeavor of ensuring the smooth and safe sail of our covetous democratic ship. This is highly imperative because unprincipled, misguided, anti-democratic elements in our midst are clearly bent on manipulating the democratic system to their advantage through all sorts of chicaneries. They resort to such pernicious tactics because quacks, bandits and miscreants all have something in common--they generally thrive in chaos--and some of the very people involved in this particular incident had immensely benefitted from the unprecedented carnage and savageries which plagued Liberia for over 14 years!
And so the bizarre scenario in Monrovia is that Francis Garlawulo, a former Charles Taylor Justice Minister rushes to the Supreme Court and claims that his client, Tokpah Mulbah is a peace-loving, law-abiding, innocent citizen whose fundamental rights are being violated in contravention of section 31 of the Legislative Law and article 21(b) of the Constitution and he partially quotes small portions of the laws that he feels, are favorable to his client.
In a typical Garlawulo fashion, he’s most likely to issue a self-indulging press release, scurry around the offices of multiple media outlets and cunningly seek maximum publicity so that his capricious claims would be propagated as a sort of Gospel before cruising to Mullah’s residence to get the last batch of his “30 pieces of silver”. Just imagine the impact such fabulous publicity on the layman in Liberia where “the counselor” is massively being quoted by the media as saying that the police had violated the law by trying to arrest a criminal suspect. That is one of the reasons why debunking Garlawulo’s fallacies is imperative; our people deserve formidable protection and robust defense against outright falsehood by dishonest and supercilious elements.
To begin with, article II of the 1986 Constitution says any laws, customs and practices that are inconsistent with this organic law are “void and of no legal effect”. It therefore goes without saying that aspects of section 31 of the Legislative Law which give immunity to even the “servants” of lawmakers 30 days before and 30 days after legislative session is not in consonance with the letters and spirit of the constitution and so, those parts are null and void ab initio. As noted in article II, the constitution is the supreme law of Liberia and of course, in the eyes of the constitution, we are all equal before the law. Obviously designating a certain group of people as some sorts of “untouchables” at some particular time of the year is a recipe for chaos. If such law is allowed to continue unchallenged, some elements among such category of citizens would be anxiously lurking until legislative session begins, then they’ll carry on their diabolical, heinous, felonious acts as they just did against officer Beh.
At the moment, there are about 64 Representatives and 30 Senators, making it a total of 94 legislators. I am told that each lawmaker has nine legislative aides. If my information is correct, that will be 846 persons enjoying such unprecedented immunities. Of course, the 846 persons would be the official ones; other hanger-ons, extended relatives and plethora of girlfriends and other associates might fall under the “household” and “servants” distinctions. It’s indisputable that a legislative girlfriend has every right to claim that she’s a “servant” of a legislator. As I see it, this legislative law, as interpreted by Garlawulo, is tantamount to a gross usurpation of basic democratic precepts and therefore, ought to be abrogated forthwith, or to the extent that it is utterly inconsistently with the constitution, it must be considered non-existent.
In any case, let us, for the sake of argument, consider the law as it is. What the apprenticed lawyer in Monrovia failed to acknowledge is that the relevant exceptions in both section 31 of the Legislative Law and article 21(b) of the Constitution became automatically applicable as a result of Mulbah’s devilish acts in concert with his thugs. I am not a lawyer, but as a layman, I sufficiently understand the plain, unequivocal English in which the Liberian constitution and most other laws are written.
While it is true that this self-serving Legislative Law of Liberia prohibits the arrest of any lawmaker and his household members as well as his servants, the same law unambiguously states, “except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace.” In a similar fashion, article 21(b) of the constitution which provides that “search or seizure” of any person or property be carried out with court issued warrant also stipulates, “provided, however, that a search or seizure shall be permissible without a search warrant where the arresting authorities act during the commission of a crime or in hot pursuit of a person who has committed a crime.”
And so, if Francis Garlawulo doesn’t understand or has elected to ignore the stipulations of this simple jurisprudence, the case against Tokpah Mulbah is that by satanically assaulting an officer of the peace, Mulbah has effectively disrobed himself of his legislative immunity and reduced himself to a common criminal, thus rendering himself liable to arrest, detention and prosecution. Garlawulo knows very well that assault and battery is a felonious crime for which law enforcement officers have legitimate authority to search and apprehend the suspects, even without a warrant, followed by a formal charge.
Not only that by assaulting a police officer Mulbah and his accomplices breached the peace of Liberia, but he’s also a fugitive from justice by virtue of the fact that he’s still evading arrest. Being a fugitive is a tacit expression of guilt on the part of the accused.
Finally, I am not surprised that Garlawulo is rushing to the rescue of Mulbah because he and Mulbah are proverbial birds of the same feather and so, they must flock together. In the 1980s, Francis Garlawulo masqueraded the streets of Monrovia as a human rights lawyer. However, when Charles Taylor’s murderous rebel movement came wreaking havoc on peace-starved Liberians, Garlawulo surfaced in Gbarnga and became one of the staunchest ideologues of that atrocious organization. As Taylor’s Justice Minister in Monrovia in the 1990s, Garlawulo personally ordered the flogging and dragging of journalist Sando Moore on the premises of the Justice Ministry at the corner of Ashmun and Buchanan Streets And so, when he’s heard vociferously clamoring about purported constitutional violations, it’s not because he stands for any constitutional principles but because he goes for whatever pecuniary gains, regardless of the moral or legal implications.
About the author: Joe Bartuah is a Liberian journalist residing Boston, Massachusetts. He can be reached at: akesseh06@hotmail.com
Debunking Garlawulo’s Fallacies
By: Joe Bartuah
On many occasions, evidence abounds that some of our compatriots arrogantly take Liberia, our common patrimony for granted. A case in point is the writ of prohibition recently filed at the Supreme Court against the Liberia National Police (LNP) by Counselor Francis Garlawulo on behalf of Deputy Speaker Tokpah Mulbah and his cohorts. Mulbah and his horde of thugs are said have inhumanely brutalized an officer the peace, Mr. Lexington Beh of the LNP. After Mulbah and others had committed such heinous crime against the state, Francis Garlawulo shamelessly believes that Mulbah, who like Garlawulo, hails from Bong County, should be shielded from arrest by section 31 of the Legislative Law of Liberia. He therefore fallaciously claims that attempts by the police to apprehend the thuggish legislator is not only a violation of the Legislative Law of Liberia, but also article 21(b) of the Liberian Constitution.
If Liberia has had solid, continuous democracy in its 163 years of existence, there would have been no need to comment on Garlawulo’s illusionary claims; if we have consistently had elections over the years where elected officials periodically submit themselves to the ultimate verdict of the electorate, where recalcitrant and uncouth officials like Mulbah and others are kicked out of their offices through the might of the ballot box, I won’t have dignified Garlawulo’s whimsical tirade with a comment; I would have otherwise remained reticent until the case was judicially disposed of.
However, our democratic experiment is still embryonic and its relevant institutions--including the judiciary-- are yet to attain their inherent potency, hence the need for the active participation of every one of us, if we as a people, must succeed in this noble endeavor of ensuring the smooth and safe sail of our covetous democratic ship. This is highly imperative because unprincipled, misguided, anti-democratic elements in our midst are clearly bent on manipulating the democratic system to their advantage through all sorts of chicaneries. They resort to such pernicious tactics because quacks, bandits and miscreants all have something in common--they generally thrive in chaos--and some of the very people involved in this particular incident had immensely benefitted from the unprecedented carnage and savageries which plagued Liberia for over 14 years!
And so the bizarre scenario in Monrovia is that Francis Garlawulo, a former Charles Taylor Justice Minister rushes to the Supreme Court and claims that his client, Tokpah Mulbah is a peace-loving, law-abiding, innocent citizen whose fundamental rights are being violated in contravention of section 31 of the Legislative Law and article 21(b) of the Constitution and he partially quotes small portions of the laws that he feels, are favorable to his client.
In a typical Garlawulo fashion, he’s most likely to issue a self-indulging press release, scurry around the offices of multiple media outlets and cunningly seek maximum publicity so that his capricious claims would be propagated as a sort of Gospel before cruising to Mullah’s residence to get the last batch of his “30 pieces of silver”. Just imagine the impact such fabulous publicity on the layman in Liberia where “the counselor” is massively being quoted by the media as saying that the police had violated the law by trying to arrest a criminal suspect. That is one of the reasons why debunking Garlawulo’s fallacies is imperative; our people deserve formidable protection and robust defense against outright falsehood by dishonest and supercilious elements.
To begin with, article II of the 1986 Constitution says any laws, customs and practices that are inconsistent with this organic law are “void and of no legal effect”. It therefore goes without saying that aspects of section 31 of the Legislative Law which give immunity to even the “servants” of lawmakers 30 days before and 30 days after legislative session is not in consonance with the letters and spirit of the constitution and so, those parts are null and void ab initio. As noted in article II, the constitution is the supreme law of Liberia and of course, in the eyes of the constitution, we are all equal before the law. Obviously designating a certain group of people as some sorts of “untouchables” at some particular time of the year is a recipe for chaos. If such law is allowed to continue unchallenged, some elements among such category of citizens would be anxiously lurking until legislative session begins, then they’ll carry on their diabolical, heinous, felonious acts as they just did against officer Beh.
At the moment, there are about 64 Representatives and 30 Senators, making it a total of 94 legislators. I am told that each lawmaker has nine legislative aides. If my information is correct, that will be 846 persons enjoying such unprecedented immunities. Of course, the 846 persons would be the official ones; other hanger-ons, extended relatives and plethora of girlfriends and other associates might fall under the “household” and “servants” distinctions. It’s indisputable that a legislative girlfriend has every right to claim that she’s a “servant” of a legislator. As I see it, this legislative law, as interpreted by Garlawulo, is tantamount to a gross usurpation of basic democratic precepts and therefore, ought to be abrogated forthwith, or to the extent that it is utterly inconsistently with the constitution, it must be considered non-existent.
In any case, let us, for the sake of argument, consider the law as it is. What the apprenticed lawyer in Monrovia failed to acknowledge is that the relevant exceptions in both section 31 of the Legislative Law and article 21(b) of the Constitution became automatically applicable as a result of Mulbah’s devilish acts in concert with his thugs. I am not a lawyer, but as a layman, I sufficiently understand the plain, unequivocal English in which the Liberian constitution and most other laws are written.
While it is true that this self-serving Legislative Law of Liberia prohibits the arrest of any lawmaker and his household members as well as his servants, the same law unambiguously states, “except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace.” In a similar fashion, article 21(b) of the constitution which provides that “search or seizure” of any person or property be carried out with court issued warrant also stipulates, “provided, however, that a search or seizure shall be permissible without a search warrant where the arresting authorities act during the commission of a crime or in hot pursuit of a person who has committed a crime.”
And so, if Francis Garlawulo doesn’t understand or has elected to ignore the stipulations of this simple jurisprudence, the case against Tokpah Mulbah is that by satanically assaulting an officer of the peace, Mulbah has effectively disrobed himself of his legislative immunity and reduced himself to a common criminal, thus rendering himself liable to arrest, detention and prosecution. Garlawulo knows very well that assault and battery is a felonious crime for which law enforcement officers have legitimate authority to search and apprehend the suspects, even without a warrant, followed by a formal charge.
Not only that by assaulting a police officer Mulbah and his accomplices breached the peace of Liberia, but he’s also a fugitive from justice by virtue of the fact that he’s still evading arrest. Being a fugitive is a tacit expression of guilt on the part of the accused.
Finally, I am not surprised that Garlawulo is rushing to the rescue of Mulbah because he and Mulbah are proverbial birds of the same feather and so, they must flock together. In the 1980s, Francis Garlawulo masqueraded the streets of Monrovia as a human rights lawyer. However, when Charles Taylor’s murderous rebel movement came wreaking havoc on peace-starved Liberians, Garlawulo surfaced in Gbarnga and became one of the staunchest ideologues of that atrocious organization. As Taylor’s Justice Minister in Monrovia in the 1990s, Garlawulo personally ordered the flogging and dragging of journalist Sando Moore on the premises of the Justice Ministry at the corner of Ashmun and Buchanan Streets And so, when he’s heard vociferously clamoring about purported constitutional violations, it’s not because he stands for any constitutional principles but because he goes for whatever pecuniary gains, regardless of the moral or legal implications.
About the author: Joe Bartuah is a Liberian journalist residing Boston, Massachusetts. He can be reached at: akesseh06@hotmail.com
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